Daily Junction.mobi portal<figure class="align-center "> <img alt="Aerial view of Birmingham, UK" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&fit=clip" srcset="https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=600&h=463&fit=crop&dpr=1 600w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=600&h=463&fit=crop&dpr=2 1200w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=600&h=463&fit=crop&dpr=3 1800w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=45&auto=format&w=754&h=582&fit=crop&dpr=1 754w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=30&auto=format&w=754&h=582&fit=crop&dpr=2 1508w, https://images.theconversation.com/files/747171/original/file-20260710-57-m9741i.jpg?ixlib=rb-4.1.0&q=15&auto=format&w=754&h=582&fit=crop&dpr=3 2262w" sizes="(min-width: 1466px) 754px, (max-width: 599px) 100vw, (min-width: 600px) 600px, 237px"> <figcaption> <span class="caption">Birmingham, the largest city in the West Midlands, has seen the benefits of devolution.</span> <span class="attribution"><a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/aerial-view-birmingham-major-city-west-2298720211?trackingId=a7612447-cd79-4b55-b7b8-a19bfe8247fe&listId=searchResults">Alexey Fedorenko/Shutterstock</a></span> </figcaption> </figure>
<p>The West Midlands is an instructive example. The Conservative government’s 2023 <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/greater-manchester-combined-authority-trailblazer-deeper-devolution-deal">Trailblazer devolution deal</a> gave the West Midlands Combined Authority (WMCA) greater flexibility over how it spends funding across transport, housing, regeneration and skills. Central to the deal was a move towards a <a href="https://www.instituteforgovernment.org.uk/explainer/trailblazer-devolution-deals">single settlement</a>, granting the region greater discretion over spending priorities. That made it easier to think strategically about long-term economic development.</p>
<p>The then-West Midlands mayor, Andy Street, showed how these powers could raise the region’s profile nationally, championing projects such as HS2 connectivity and wider investment in the region. The current mayor, Richard Parker, has similarly used the office as a platform for regional priorities on housing, transport and economic growth. His administration has placed particular emphasis on social housing, skills, public transport and the Midlands Rail Hub as drivers of <a href="https://www.publicsectorexecutive.com/articles/billions-west-midlands-mayors-bold-plan-backed-chancellor">regional development</a>.</p>
<p>Consequently, the WMCA has become politically significant in its own right: a recognised regional institution able to articulate priorities, negotiate directly with central government, and shape policy across transport, housing and economic development.</p>
<p>But the WMCA also reveals the limits of devolution. Its formal boundaries do not neatly align with the region’s economic geography. People commute across these boundaries every day; housing markets and transport networks extend into neighbouring counties. Some of the problems the region needs to address operate across a wider geography than the devolved territory.</p>
<p>Nor has devolution created a singular “West Midlands” identity. Instead, it has given Birmingham, the Black Country, Coventry and neighbouring authorities a new arena in which to compete for influence and investment.</p>
<p>Birmingham City Council’s <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/crleyz0d557o">financial crisis</a> highlights another challenge. The council issued a Section 114 notice in 2023 following mounting equal-pay liabilities and wider budget pressures, triggering government intervention.</p>
<p>Devolution can move power around, but it cannot magic away fiscal constraints or years of local government underfunding. Nor can it ensure that new political boundaries map onto the economic and social geographies they are meant to govern. </p>
<h2>Are there lessons to learn from the Crown dependencies?</h2>
<p><strong>Peter Clegg, Professor in Politics and International Relations, University of the West of England</strong></p>
<p>Andy Burnham’s call for more devolution can draw useful lessons from the Crown dependencies of Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man – although these lie at the extreme end of political autonomy within the British constitutional framework. </p>
<p>They are <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5e398990e5274a08e229ca0f/crown-dependencies-factsheet-february-2020.pdf">not part of the UK</a> and therefore enjoy a level of self-government that extends beyond that of any existing English devolved authority. Their relationship with the UK is via the Crown, and they enjoy extensive autonomy based on trust, convention and consultation, rather than regular interventions from Westminster.</p>
<p>This model has been successful, with <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14662043.2025.2521911">high GDPs per capita</a> and the agility to adopt policies to maintain economic advantage. The dependencies have also been at the forefront of social policy, including <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c62dnwwgryeo">legislation on assisted dying</a> – though this is presently blocked by the UK Lord Chancellor and all legislation needs assent from His Majesty.</p>
<p>Another lesson that can be drawn is giving devolved authorities a real voice in national decision-making. Crown dependencies participate in several intergovernmental forums, most notably the British-Irish Council, which brings them together with the UK, Ireland and the devolved administrations to cooperate on shared policy.</p>
<p>As Crown dependencies feel that the UK should not intervene in their domestic affairs, when this happens it often causes significant unease. They can also become politically exposed when diverging from UK policy, as debates over <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=D&q=https://www.ft.com/content/7b3591ab-69dc-4fdd-8dad-6e33f7cdf3e5%3Fsyn-25a6b1a6%3D1&ust=1783774980000000&usg=AOvVaw2i5GoS4lkem7iuEjJ1mIby&hl=en&source=gmail">financial regulation</a> and assisted dying have shown.</p>
<p>Cooperation between the dependencies also remains limited, and democratic engagement is poor. Turnout in Jersey’s general election this year was <a href="https://www.policy.je/papers/2026-general-election/">only 32%</a>, raising questions about democratic vitality.</p>
<p>Throughout the Brexit process, the Crown dependencies had a direct link to the UK government. This is an arrangement that <a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/manchester-mayor-andy-burnham-demands-bigger-brexit-role-english-regions/">Burnham said</a> should also have been made available to the English regions.<!-- Below is The Conversation's page counter tag. Please DO NOT REMOVE. --><img src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/286470/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer-when-downgrade" /><!-- End of code. If you don't see any code above, please get new code from the Advanced tab after you click the republish button. The page counter does not collect any personal data. More info: https://theconversation.com/republishing-guidelines --></p>
<p><span><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/joanie-willett-124035">Joanie Willett</a>, Senior Lecturer in Politics, <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-exeter-1190">University of Exeter</a></em>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/julian-clark-2720801">Julian Clark</a>, Reader in Political Geography, <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-birmingham-1138">University of Birmingham</a></em>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mark-tewdwr-jones-1189967">Mark Tewdwr-Jones</a>, Professor of Cities and Regions, <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/ucl-1885">UCL</a></em>; <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michael-kenny-121159">Michael Kenny</a>, Professor of Public Policy, Department of Politics and International Studies, <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cambridge-1283">University of Cambridge</a></em>, and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/peter-clegg-1456340">Peter Clegg</a>, Professor of Politics, <em><a href="https://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-the-west-of-england-1224">University of the West of England</a></em></span></p>
<p>This article is republished from <a href="https://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/this-is-what-andy-burnhams-devolution-plans-need-to-consider-expert-panel-286470">original article</a>.</p> </div>